Beyond Political Correctness: Social Transformation in the United States
Cummings, Michael S. (2001).
Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 337 pages. $23.50. ISBN 1588260062.
Although not immediately obvious from its title, Beyond Political Correctness: Social Transformation in the United States significantly concerns issues that involved children and youth. It exhorts a broad, politically conscious U.S. audience to think beyond political correctness when addressing societal problems, and to consider policy alternatives with an open mind. Cummings uses a journalistic style to accommodate and persuade a wide audience, and supports his main argument with citations from both academic and popular media. The book ostensibly supports a liberal political agenda – that of rallying people around several “transformational” causes relating to children. However, while its bold critique of political correctness may arouse the attention of a wide bipartisan audience, it may fragment the liberal vote by persuading only a portion of that population to abandon traditionally held liberal views.
The book’s introduction equates the contemporary inflexibility of political correctness to the traditional rigidity of conservative dogmatism. Cummings claims that political correctness unnecessarily censures critical discussion of ineffective policies that might otherwise support positive change. Once a policy has been labeled as politically correct, the public either clings doggedly to it or rejects it outright, depending solely on its relationship to their political identity rather than on the policy’s effectiveness.
Cummings supports his argument regarding the shortcomings and dogmatism of political correctness with a convincing critique of affirmative action. He illustrates the ironic liberal entrenchment of a policy introduced by conservative politicians to divide and diffuse a radical coalition consisting largely of ethnic minorities. Consider, for instance, the consequences of racial quotas in determining enrollment in schools. While Cummings agrees that this policy has had a positive effect on the percentages of enrolled minority students, it also has certain social drawbacks. By favoring certain ethnic groups over others, regardless of the socio-economic status of the individual, the policy often misses the opportunity to bolster the disadvantaged. This may contribute to conflict between ethnic groups, crippling efforts at radical social reform, as each notes the privileged status of the other. Finally, it potentially equates ethnicity with inadequacy, suggesting that the individual could not have succeeded on his or her own merits. Despite its shortcomings, any criticism of the politically correct policy by conservatives is treated as an expression of hatred. Similarly, any criticism of the policy by liberals suggests political infidelity. Essentially, the credibility of any discussion about the issue is thwarted by the identity of the author, regardless of what that identity might be. Bravo Foucault.
Considering the problem of identity revealed through this well-founded critique of political correctness, one might expect Cummings’ answer to be an abandonment of political labeling and an open discussion of problems and their potential solutions. In fact, we find much the opposite. Following a brief recommendation to embrace what he refers to as “synergistic,” or cooperative values in place of the competition typical of U.S. culture, Cummings prescribes a set of solutions that he calls “transformational,” meaning that they produce societal change. However, in doing so, he uses a very competitive, partisan language. It seems as though the quest for radically liberal, transformational policy has come full circle to embrace certain concepts long held by conservatives, such as full-time parenting. Rather than to admit the validity of traditionally conservative views, Cummings appropriates them as a radically transformative discovery, and continues to dismiss conservatism. Perhaps this approach reveals Cummings’ rhetorical competence – since he aims to persuade political liberals – but it could be rather off-putting to the conservative other half.
Cummings provides convincing arguments for several issues relating to children, despite his political slant. He begins by enumerating an extensive list of problems facing children worldwide, including malnutrition, physical and emotional abuse, neglect, homelessness, and lack of appropriate health care. Then he introduces the ageism of U.S. policies, and their contribution to the problem. For instance, U.S. children under the age of eighteen are deprived a political voice, regardless of their intellectual maturity. In addition to the anti-environmental, conservative bias this may present during elections, the policy symbolically silences children by treating them as incompetent. This is analogous to the controversial portrayal of an invisible Mr. Snuffalupagus on Sesame Street, which mirrors the fact that children often suppress abusive experiences, rather than risk ridicule and disbelief by adults. Cummings argues that eliminating the age restriction on voting will reintroduce constructive communication between children and adults, and will provide children with the voice they need to overcome their disproportionate share of life’s burdens.
Cummings argues also for a literal reunification of children and adults with a strong exhortation for attachment parenting, including natural birthing, breast-feeding, and full-time parental care. While crediting medical advances with some societal benefits, he argues that in the realm of childbirth, modern medical practices deprive mothers of what could be one of their most powerful and memorable creative experiences. Pre-modern birthing methods– free of chemical interference, in the warmth and peace of familiar surroundings, working with gravity, and benefiting from the emotional guidance of mid-wives– is not only less painful and more rewarding for the mother, it is also safer for the newborn. Add to this the psychological and physiological benefits of nursing children, and you get a recipe for strong families with healthy, socially well-adjusted, intelligent children and happy mothers. What you do not get, Cummings argues, is gender equality in the corporate world under current U.S. parental-leave policy.
Cummings concludes with a grand finale of policy reforms, including several proposed amendments to the United States Constitution to address issues surrounding environmental degradation, criminal behavior, and worker ownership of corporate enterprise. Similar to other arguments throughout the book, each issue is addressed both as a casualty of political correctness, and as a platform of potential strength for liberals. While these claims are certainly arguable, Cummings backs each of them with abundant evidence, both anecdotal and scientific, and is worth hearing out.
Overall, Beyond Political Correctness touches on a valid argument regarding contemporary U.S. politics. The social construction of political identity is so strong and so divisive that many people refuse to hear a viewpoint that is not their own. Cummings’ initial argument against the dogmatism of political correctness makes a bold attempt at breaking down these political boundaries, to the betterment of U.S. policies regarding the economically disadvantaged, the voiceless child, and the family. Perhaps the reader might look past the claims to liberal ownership of these various proposals, and evaluate them with a de-politicized, open mind. I believe that Cummings would agree that we own these problems together, and we must find solutions together.
Reviewer Information
University of Colorado
Kelly S. Draper received her BS in Landscape Architecture from Penn State University and her MS in Community and Regional Development from the University of California. She is currently working on her doctoral degree in Design and Planning at the University of Colorado.